Schlagwort-Archive: movement

Exklusive Interview with Zapiro

4000 Cartoons and 15 books. Johnathan Shapiro about his life, freedom of opinion and politics

(Editor: Annalisa Wellhäuser)

Open any South African newspaper today and you will most probably find a cartoon that comments South African politics drawn by the artist Zapiro. Who doesn‘t know the famous sketch picturing the current South African president Jacob Zuma with a shower above his head alluding to his statement that he took a shower after having had sex with an HIV-positive woman. Zapiro, born 1958 as Jonathan Shapiro in Cape Town, is the most famous cartoonist of these days in South Africa. His drawings appear in the Mail and the Guardian,Sunday Times and The Times. Moreover his art has been published in exhibitions all over the world and he has won numerous awards.

© Cartoon by Zapiro: President Jacob Zuma is taking a shower after having sex with a HIV infected woman.

© Cartoon by Zapiro: Lady Justice in danger.

© Cartoon by Zapiro: Whites have benefited from Apartheid.

„SÜDAFRIKA – Land der Kontraste“, the German Gateway to South Africa, met Zapiro in his office in Cape Town to find out more about this artist who is not afraid to say what he thinks with if it comes to politics.

Zapiro already discovered his passion for art as a child. Back then he used to have nightmares about frightening monsters and in order to deal with those scary dreams, he started drawing about them. Indeed that kind of self-therapy did help him to overcome his nightmares. And not only that; He enjoyed the drawing a lot. It was his dream to become an artist. He entered drawing competitions and also was active for the school newspaper. He invented the little character “Prepi“, who commented on what‘s going on in preparatory school.

Soon ,he was also confronted with the politics happening in his country. His mum made him aware already at a very young age that they were living in a society “that was wrong“; his very first “kind of political experience“ was when Verwoerd 1 was assassinated in 1966. In school they were asked to pray for the “architect of apartheid“ and Zapiro remembers being confused and thinking“ Hey, this was not a good guy!“. Throughout his school time he was “at odds” with the general trend of supporting Apartheid amongst even English speaking white people, but he was not yet involved in any political actions at that time. After school he started studying architecture; not because he was passionate about it, but in order for him to stay out of the army. When he decided to change to graphic design and try to become a cartoonist, they „got him„, he had to enter the army. In the army Zapiro refused to carry a gun, so they made him carry a heavy wooden dummy and made fun of him. Once a colleague made him stand guard with it, „which was ridiculous, I became a bit of a laughing stock but in a funny way, like a clown thing„, Zapiro says.

However, the joke actually backfired, because he showed the other conscripts that he could handle this heavy arm very well as by doing exactly everything that they were doing with it. This was his way of rebelling against this and spreading his political message. He was regarded as a political consciousness non-commitant, as a communist, as dangerous. At that time he was not yet involved in any political organization, the UDF (United Democratic Front) formed just over a year after he was conscripted. But when it was formed in 1983, it was absolutely clear for him that he would join. Same appealed to his mum, his sister and a lot of his friends. Suddenly there was this non-racial grouping that felt right for them: much more elegentarian, much more open and much more connected to national politics. It was also connected to the ANC-but he didn’t want to be involved into nor speak about it, because that was dangerous when they found out they were linked. Him and some of his family members even got detained at some point.

However, Zapiro has never wanted to be a politician. He sees a big difference between being enormously involved as an activist and becoming a politician. ,,Professional politics are very different from being a political activist.” In his opinion only a few people managed to retain this integrity and those principles that guided them and made them passionate. Other people do things now out of personal gain or party political aims; they have become corrupt, comfortable and a bit apathetic compared to what they used to be. Also there are those who are within a party and are against those who are outside the party and maybe doing good things. „All those things I would hate„, he states. He has seen people he knew who have made this trancession- only a few managed it successfully. According to him the country needs people who become politicians and remain focussed, altruistic and incorruptible. But the country also needs civil society and media-so in his opinion his best role is to be a visual columnist- and still to a little extend an activist. To produce his drawings, he obviously needs to do a lot of research on politics. For that Zapiro listens to the radio a lot, reads many different newspapers and consults the internet in order to look at the same sort of issue dealt with in different ways. Also he records some things broadcasted on television.

© Johnathan Shaprio alias Zapiro, South Africa´s most influential and provocative cartoonist. He has been in conflict several times with the government.

Zapiro explains that cartoons are primarily about thinking and communication; about finding a device to say something that one believes in. „They are 80% idea and 20% drawing.„ According to him there are cartoonists out there, who are good, but not necessarily the best cartoonist in the world -however they are really able to communicate by their art. On the other hand it would not be possible to carry weak ideas with good drawings. „It`s about thoughts. „ To give an example, Zapiro speaks about one cartoon that he did, which displayed a little line of text on top saying „Whites who never benefited from Apartheid„ and a blank page underneath he states that at the time of the release of the cartoon, there were people denying to have known about Apartheid. There were white people avoiding responsibility for the benefits that they were given while living under Apartheid.

Zapiro was irritated by that attitude and got inspired to create this „cartoon„. This cartoon did not even have a picture, but still, so Zapiro, „ This cartoon was conceptually really good and really powerful, one of the best cartoons I have ever done.„ It is Zapiro`s intention to trigger strong reactions with his drawings amongst the people. He wants to make people think. Maybe some people say „That’s exactly how I feel, I didn’t know how to express it.„ But he is not only addressing the people who think exactly like him- which, in his opinion, would not make any sense. He knows that there are people, who might agree and as well disagree on his thoughts on certain issues. However it is not his intention to convince the people, who think completely different. According to him it is all those people in the middle-he can make them see something in a new way by being a little bit persuasive to them.

When asking him what subject he would like to draw a sketch on, that he is not allowed to draw one on, he replies that there is nobody who can tell him not to do a cartoon on a certain topic. It is rather him who holds himself back. When he started as a political activist he used to be quite constrained by political correctness, whereas these days he is ready to accept those rules. „ I don’t like to gratuisly insult people in a hurtful way, who are in a way vulnerable.„ Still, even then his feeling of what is acceptable to draw a cartoon on would be way further down the line than that of others. If he felt that people are the aggressors, he wouldn`t care about them. For instance, if it comes to religion. In his view religion has done a huge amount of harm with regard to gay people and women and it has even promoted spread of HIV. Concerning this topic he would go really hard for the people in power.

Zapiro says he has done things that people would consider totally insulting. He states that some things around traditional culture are quite difficult to deal with in cartoons, because people treat them in a way religion is treated. According to him there exists some kind of communality. And at the moment there would be plenty of times when cartoons can be misinterpreted on purpose to make people out as racists even though they are not.

After the feedback that Zapiro is receiving is not always positive; president Jacob Zuma has pressed charges against him already for doing certain drawings on him. Zapiro says that he believes in the South African institutions, in the constitution , and he feels that these are strong enough to keep up freedom of speech -which he supports and which is part of what gives him resolve. Zapiro explains that his politics haven`t changed a lot, but politics of some people in power have changed and he considers himself lucky to not have as much constraints as people in power. If he believes in something he will go for it.

Further I ask him about his opinion concerning voices in this country saying that some kind of reversed apartheid is arising, where it is now black South African people against the other cultures. Zapiro responds that this is one of the topics, where he will get either into one form of discourse or another depending on who he is speaking to. On the one hand, if he would be speaking to his old political comrades he would be mouthing off at the death of non racialism and at the rise of a certain form of nationalism and elitism. On the other hand, if those amongst the white South Africans, who have never had “political bone„ in their body during apartheid era come and complain in an uninformed way to him about how bad things are and so called „reversed racism„, he gets into a whole different conversation. He would try to explain how much better things are now than they were then. And after all it is still white people who are at the top of the power in many important fields. He says that there is a certain kind of racism that still exists very strongly in the white community of South Africa. He continues saying that there are some absurdities in the way that affirmative action has been taking place; not the way it should be. And that he is the last person to say that all is ok. But to claim that things are the same way as they used to be in Apartheid, simply reversed, was not true, but absolute rubbish.

Then we speak about Julius Malema singing the old song „Kill the boers„. Zapiro calls Malema`s behaviour „crass and wrong„, he could not sing that song in the context of the new South Africa. He explains that the song was an apartheid era song, which had a metaphorical reason. It was about killing the system of apartheid, to fight those police men and farmers, who really were brutally assaulting and killed people .„And that was all understood then.„ Zapiro states that it is wrong to sing that song today, because its purpose is essentially to try „to mobilize disaffected youth, because the ANC is not delivering properly to them and try to make them focus some of their anger on people, who these days are not necessarily aggressing, at least not the same extent as before.”However, he thinks that one cannot ban a song and that the high court`s decision to try to prevent him from singing the song was wrong. As a supporter of freedom of express he does not agree on it. „You can call somebody a political opportunist without saying you are not allowed to sing that song. It is a lot more nuanced and complicated than saying: Julius Malema is the equivilant of what Terre Blanche2 was…it doesn’t work like that.„ Zapiro has done cartoons criticizing that decision of the court. I support the human rights commission and the UN`s determination on the definition of hate speech and that it should be prevented. He explains that that would be hate speech where you could make a connection between something that was said, such as a speech, a song or a piece of writing, and the active going out and killing somebody. However, he doesn`t think that “ people went out killing people because of what Julius said…. “3 “If you can make that connection, that because of that song that person was killed..that`s where you can draw the line. But that’s very far down the line of speech before you can make that decision.”

Zapiro says that there was a complaint about his cartoon „Lady justice„ and that the human rights commission exonerated him for doing the drawing and its publication, because of their determination that it is not inciting anyone to do anything to anybody else. „It was a metaphor about what Zuma was doing to the judiciary.„ „Freedom of express is very important to me.„ So if he started saying ,they should ban that song, then he could as well allow somebody to say to ban his cartoon, because both of them could be interpreted in a way that they could be objectionable.„There has to be consistency.„

Zapiro is producing with his cartoons political messages

Before the interview comes to an end I would like to find out from Zapiro what are his wishes for the new South Africa, what kind of development he thinks is necessary for it to become the peaceful rainbow nation everybody is longing for. Zapiro answers, „I remember when Tutu came up with the rainbow nation idea during the meeting of the inconscription campaign in 1985.It was always a bit idealistic. „ According to Zapiro, Tutu wished for rainbow coalition of different groupings in the political movement fighting for the same aim: freedom, non racialism, democracy. However, Zapiro believes that South Africa has only had a few rainbow-moments since democracy. As an example he names the rugby world cup in 1995. “I`m afraid to say now, that unlike before, where I thought the white community was hugely responsible for not apologizing and not taking responsibility, I still say that ,I think now a lot more could have been done if the ANC had not become fat, comfortable and corrupt, and if say the people at the top were not promoting this narrow elite and not just paying lip service to delivery, but really were delivering and trying to bridge the wealth gap. That is where is should go.„ Zapiro believes that only then people can have some real reconciliation, because so far there are a lot of unresolved matters after truth reconciliation commission hearings. According to Zapiro, it is most important to close the inaquity in this society.„ South Africa has become the most inequal society in the world , we are even behind Brazil. And for that to be the state almost after 17 years of democracy is outrageous.„

Finally I would like to find out what Zapiro`s personal plans and dreams are for the future. „For the medium term I want to continue what I`m doing, but want to make sure I`m still feeling like I`m relevant and got something to say, because if I do not- I want to pull out and go for something in the long term.„ He has managed to produce over 4000 cartoons and 15 books , but he doesn`t want to do the same thing for ever, he also wants to do other things. In the long term Zapiro would like to move into some other genres of cartooning and storytelling, which he loves. He would like to become a bit more balanced person, because the intensity he has with the cartooning does tend to overwhelm a great part of his life. He wants to spend more time with his family.

HIER FINDEST DU DAS INTERVIEW IN DEUTSCH.

1   He was the 3rd national party prime minister after DF Malan and Jacob Strijdom
2   Formed the Afrikaaner Resistence Movement during Apartheid< was seen as white supremacist
3   Discussion in South Africa about a possible connection between Malema singing the song,,Kill the boers“ and the murder of Terre Blanche

„I am a proud member of the ANC“

A guest article by Sibusiso Buthelezi, blogger on www.thesbu.com

– ANC-SPEZIAL: 100 JAHRE –

© Sibusiso Buthelezi - proudly ANC member, former head in Gauteng Department of Public Transport, Roads and Work AND blogger on http://www.thesbu.com

Deutsche Zusammenfassung:

Mit 15 Jahren widmete sich Sibusiso Buthelezi dem Afrikanischen Nationalkongress, einer Organisation zur Vertretung der Rechte von Schwarzen. Frustiert musste er die Bevorzugung von Weißen bei Toiletten, Banken, Menschenschlangen oder Geschäften ertragen. Schilder, die mit „Whites only“ versehen waren, dominierten das Leben im Südafrika der Apartheid. Buthelezi kann sich erinnern, dass Weiße innerhalb der Geschäfte kaufen durften, während Schwarze ihren Einkauf vom Außenfenster aus abwickeln mussten. Der ANC bot ihm deshalb die Hoffnung, sich dieser Benachteiligung zu befreien. Buthelezi betrachtete den Kampf des ANC nicht als einer gegen die Weißen gerichtet, sondern vielmehr gegen ein „System des instrumentalisierten Rassismus“. Seine ANC-Mitgliedschaft verbindet er mit Eigenschaften wie Stolz und Ehre, betont Buthelezi. Der ANC ermöglichte ihm eine Beschäftigung in der Kommunal- und Länderverwaltung, wurde jedoch später durch die selbe Partei „schlecht behandelt“. Der ANC müsse noch lernen, die Fähigkeit einer führenden Partei anzunehmen, so die selbstkritische Ansicht des Parteimitglieds. Doch auf der heutigen Jahrhundertfeier besinnt sich der ANC in erster Linie auf glorreiche und vor allem auf die gefallenen Genossen. Dieser Tag widmet sich dem alten ANC-Kader wie Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Solomon Mahlangu, Bathandwa Ndondo und allen voran Nelson Mandela.

© ANC is remembering today freedom fighters like Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Solomon Mahlangu, Bathandwa Ndondo and above all Nelson Mandela.

Guest article in English:

I am a member of the African National Congress – and I am proud to be associated with this glorious revolutionary movement. I was 15 years old (1982), my late father advised that I go find the ANC as it was the only true representative of the aspirations of the people of South Africa. I had been frustrated by the „Whites only“ signs in toilets, bank queues and some shops – blacks had to buy from the window outside the shops. Schools for whites were much better than the schools I went to.

I joined the ANC with the hope of liberation. I had anger and hatred towards whites and the police. The ANC comrades that I met, way back in 1983, moved quickly to remove all racial and ethnic thoughts that lingered in my mind. By 1984 I had been exposed to the most advanced thinking about the world we live in. From the various reading materials that we brought to my house by the ANC cadres, I understood the primacy of democracy, that the struggle against apartheid was not a gripe against whites as a racial group. That ours was a principled struggle against a system of institutionalized racism. This became very clear in 1985 when Oliver Tambo commanded that the youth render the country ungovernable, thus making apartheid unworkable.

This is the ANC I joined, this is the ANC I am proud and honoured to be associated with. The ANC that taught me the principles of non-racialism and non-sexism. This is the ANC of Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela. This is the ANC that produced Thabo Mbeki. The ANC of Solomon Mahlangu and Bathandwa Ndondo. The ANC that taught us never to betray the masses of our people, the thousands of ordinary people, the overwhelming majority of whom are working class Africans, who through their daily experiences, struggle and battle against adversities, together as comrades, in pursuance of the vision of a South Africa that would be a better place for all its people.

At university I got to understand the Strategies and Tactics of the ANC, the strategic content of which is the total emancipation of the black people in general, and the Africans in particular. I learned the skills of organizing communities around their basic needs. The ANC gave me the privilege of participating in the transformation of government, from municipalities to provincial administration. Two years ago, the very same ANC treated me badly (see my blog http://www.thesbu.com) – that notwithstanding, I have been long in this organization to know that it has the capacity for introspection, self-criticism and corrective action.

I know and understand that the ANC was not well prepared to adapt to being a ruling party with control over state machinery and resources potentially for patronage. This ANC is now grappling with challenges it never prepared for, the competition for elected positions and government posts, the reality of being an open organization, that draws within its ranks even the most unscrupulous in society. It is such deviant characters that have occupied the driving seat at all levels of the organization. But this organization has survived for 100 years. I have no doubt it will cleanse itself – drawing from its capacity to introspect, self-criticise and take corrective action.

I am a proud member of the ANC. The ANC has a proud history of struggle; my generation will live to reclaim the proud character of this organization.

As we reach the critical milestone of the ANC Centenary – we owe it to the fallen hero’s to bring integrity and sacrifice back to this glorious movement of the people of South African.

History Documentary from South Africa

The real face of Apartheid

(Editor: Annalisa Wellhäuser)

The largest film festival in Germany, the „Berlinale„, has been attended by „SÜDAFRIKA – Land der Kontraste“, the German Gateway to South Africa. With thanks to the Berlinale section Generation, we have observed selected events and made a report. „History Uncut: Manenberg“ and „History Uncut: Crossroads“ – a documentary collection –  are focussing on South Africa during the apartheid.

Afravision (Brian Tilley, Laurence Dworkin): History Uncut

Co-curated by Darryl Els and Claus Löser

Sunday, 2/13/2010, Cinema Arsenal at Potsdamer Platz in Berlin

Episode 1: Crossroads

Switch off the lights, the movie starts, open your eyes: as if I had used a time-machine for a journey back into the past ,out of a sudden I find myself in May/June 1986 of the former Apartheid-State of South Africa. Place of the setting: „Crossroads„, an informal settlement for „ black„ South Africans ,important centre for movements of resistance; actually it was given the status of an „emergency camp„ and therefore being immune to the mass clearance of townships by the state. Of course the government was not pleased about this immunity…..So here I am….in the middle of a brutal battle between-well, one does not even know who belongs to which group, it is a chaos…People ,especially boys who are only teenagers are running from one site to the other…they are chasing each other….shooting….screams…wherever I look I see destroyed and burning houses of corrugated iron sheet…It is this group with the strips of white cloth, they are attacking us…it is the „Witdoeks„, our vigilance committee. Why are they doing that? It`s our own people! Where did they get the weapons from? We have to fight back…self-made arms out of wood, stones, gunpowder in plastic bottles, which are being thrown…on the street: two men on the floor…covered by blood all over… they are dead…. I see women sitting on the street corner with their babies and the things which they still managed to rescue from their homes…they are waiting for help….

© Scene from „Histroy Uncut: Manenberg“ (Source: Berlinale)

© Logo of film festival „Berlinale“ (Source: Wikimedia)

Cut- change of scene

Women standing with their babies at the entrance of the parliament of Cape Town. They are hopeless and are looking for help. „ We don`t know what you are talking about, we cannot do anything for you„, they get told in Afrikaans by a politician. As a symbol of protest the women start to feign crying and lay down their crying babies in front of the parliament.

According to the TRC, the Truth Reconciliation Commission of South Africa, South African police contributed weapons to and supported groups of „black„ South Africans like the ,,Witdoeks„, a vigilance committee in Crossroads, and thereby „used „ them in order to suppress movements of resistance during the time of Apartheid. Thus the government seeked their aim without being blamed for anything. In total 60.000 people became homeless and 60 people died.

Episode 2: Manenberg

It is September 1989, the election day of the tricameral parliament of South Africa. „white„ and limitedly „coloured„ and „indian´` South Africans are allowed to vote.

The „black„ population is excluded from the right to vote. In „Manenberg„ , a township for „coloured„ South Africans there are protests taking place. And me- I see, no, I experience closely what happens on that day in the streets of Manenberg: I am in a house and I am looking out of a window. The police pitches up out of nowhere and starts shooting randomly with rubber munition at the residents of the place. Yes, it even seems like they do so because they enjoy seeing other people suffering. The police men throw stones at the people, use tear gas and chase them into their houses with whips. The inhabitants ,especially young people, react by throwing stones as well and by building street barriers out of car wheels, litter, pieces of furniture and stones to which they set fire. It is a seesaw. The police arrives frequently and it results in a conflict: Shooting, screams….I`m afraid that they will discover me, but I`m lucky-they don`t.

Cut- Change of scene:

A boy is lieing half covered in a bed, his entire body is full bullet wounds caused by the rubber munition of the police. Another boy`s head is bandaged up and his nose is covered by plasters…A women expresses a direct appeal to the South African government, she claims a democratic, NON- racial discriminatorial electoral system.

These scenes were never shown on South African television; they are part of the archive`s material of the video collective Afravision, which contains the biggest documentation of video of the history of resistance. Afravision was founded by Brian Tilley, Laurence Dworkin und Mokoenyana Moletse in order to keep records of the numerous battles in South Africa in the 1980s .

An extraordinary and fascinating contribution to the Berlinale of 2010. Uncut and pure- this film shows simply the reality and truth-the tragic reality of the past South Africa. Such a close experience of history; it feels as if having been present at that time. It is unbelievable, because suddenly it is not a „story„ anymore that one happened to read in a „history book„ and that seems unreal and far away from oneself. Out of a sudden it is my own reality too. I`m part of it. After watching the film, I`m only left with one single thought dominating my mind: While I can return into my secure reality of the present Germany, this „ film„ did continue for the people in South Africa at that time. Those people, who I met just now, could not flee in contrary to me who just switches off the movie. For them it was a nightmare and they did not know if it would ever end. This is horrible.

The 2010sdafrika-editorial staff would like to thank to the team of Berlinale section Panorama for supporting our service.

Julius Malema – Alb(Traum) für Südafrika?!

„Do you know who I am? Do you know what I can do?“

(Autor: Ghassan Abid)

Die US-Depeschen zu Südafrika beschäftigten sich ausführlich mit den ANC-Spitzenpolitikern Thabo Mbeki und Jacob Zuma, letzterer aktueller Präsident der Republik Südafrika (2010sdafrika-Redaktion berichtete hierzu am 15. Dezember 2010). Nun ist bekannt geworden, dass Julius Malema – aktueller Präsident der Jugend-Regierungspartei ANCYL – ebenfalls im Fokus der US-Diplomatie stand und steht.

Julius Malema konnte in vielerlei Hinsicht meist negativ von sich Reden machen. Nicht nur das öffentliche Vortragen von einstigen Anti-Apartheids-Lieder wie „Kill the Boer“ (zu Deutsch: Tötet die (holländischstämmigen/ weißen) Buren) sorgte für viel Unruhe in der Regenbogennation, sondern auch der filmreife Rauswurf eines BBC-Journalisten aus einer Johannesburger ANC-Pressekonferenz verbunden mit den Beschimpfungen „bloody agent“ und „bastard“ (siehe Video), die frauenverachtenden Slogans, der überzogene Lebensstil ungeachtet der immensen Armut im Lande, die Zustimmung für die desaströse Landenteignungspolitik des simbabwischen Präsidenten Robert Mugabe´s oder der Ruf nach einer Verstaatlichung der südafrikanischen Bergwerkindustrie.


© Logo von WikiLeaks

All dies sind im Großen und Ganzen Erkenntnisse, die mehr Unbehagen als Freude auslösen dürften. Womöglich insbesondere dieser verbalen und radikalen Bekenntnisse zählt Julius Malema seit Längerem zu den Who´s Who der südafrikanischen Politik. Dies weiß auch die US-Botschaft Pretoria, ersichtlich aus einer von WikiLeaks veröffentlichten Depesche vom 5. November 2009. Demnach besteht ein gewisses Abhängigkeitsverhältnis zwischen Jacob Zuma und Julius Malema. Einerseits machte sich Malema für Zuma als vierten Präsidenten der Post-Südafrika-Ära stark, andererseits unterstützt Zuma den in der Provinz Limpopo geborenen Malema als Präsidenten des ANCYL: „… however, it is becoming clearer that President Jacob Zuma respects Malema and his place within the movement“.

Vor allem die mediale Berichterstattung um Malema verfolgte die US-Botschaft mit großer Aufmerksamkeit. Neben seinen Hassreden und juristischen Konfrontationen, fanden auch die ihm nachgesagten Alkohol- und Sexparties im Norden Johannesburgs eine protokollarische Beachtung. Höhepunkt seiner verbalen Entgleisung dürfte seine Aussage aus dem Jahr 2006 sein, wonach das vermeintliche Vergewaltigungsopfer von Jacob Zuma, so Malema, während des sexuellen Missbrauchs eine „schöne Zeit gehabt hatte“:

„He has also been in the news for doing questionable things such as hosting wild parties in northern Johannesburg that reportedly rage late into the evening and are fueled by alcohol and sex. Moreover, Malema has been involved in several court cases in front of the Equality Court. Most recently, a judge on November 2 delayed a case in the Court in which Malema is accused of hate speech. Malema earlier this year told an election rally that the woman who accused Zuma of rape in 2006 „had a nice time.“

Überraschend sind jedoch die Umstände hinsichtlich des Vorfalls an der University of the Free State von 2007, wonach vier weiße Studenten in Mahlzeiten uriniert und diese dann schwarzen Angestellten der Bildungseinrichtung zum Verspeisen überreicht hatten. Diese skandalösen Begebenheiten wurden auf Video festgehalten und lösten in der Öffentlichkeit erheblichen Protest aus. Als der Kanzler der Hochschule, Jonathan Jansen, alle vier Studenten trotz der Rassismusanschuldigungen den Wiedereintritt in den Hochschulbetrieb ermöglichen wollte, forderte die ANCYL inklusive Malema die sofortige Entlassung des Kanzlers sowie die grundsätzliche Möglichkeit einer Hinrichtung all jener Personen, die sämtliche Formen von Rassismus in Südafrika dulden bzw. verzeihen würden. Nach einem Treffen zwischen dem ANCYL-Präsidenten und dem Kanzler der University of the Free State nahm Malema seine Forderung nach einer Bestrafung zurück. Ganz im Gegenteil – der Jungpolitiker des ANC gab Jansen volle Rückendeckung. Er „ist einer uns uns“ und ein „Symbol der Transformation“, begründete Malema seinen Sinneswandel. Bis zum heutigen Tage bleiben die genauen Hintergründe des Gespräches unklar.

Darüberhinaus ist das arrogante und größenwahnsinnige Verhalten Malema´s im Straßenverkehr oder bei der Abhaltung von Parties durch die US-Botschaft aufgegriffen worden. Als der Jungpolitiker infolge einer Raserei durch Verkehrspolizisten gestoppt worden ist, leitete Malema über offizielle und inoffizielle Kanäle eine Disziplinarmaßnahme gegen die beteiligten Beamten ein:

„On October 14, Malema was reportedly stopped for speeding on the road between Polokwane and Seshego. When his vehicle was pulled over, the ANC Youth League President is said to have berated traffic officials and asked, „Do you know who I am?“ Malema then called numerous senior ANC and government officials and instructed them to discipline the traffic officers. A general manager for traffic was ultimately called to the scene and the following day he asked traffic officials to write letters describing how „they mistreated the youth leader.“

Klar ist, dass Julius Malema unbestritten zu einer politischen Größe in der südafrikanischen Politik geworden ist und sich einer sehr großen öffentlichen Popularität bedienen kann. Unklar bleibt allerdings, wie stark die Unterstützung Jacob Zuma´s für die „Bulldogge des ANC“, wie Malema zynischerweise auch genannt wird, tatsächlich ist. In fast allen Vorfällen des ANCYL-Präsidenten, so die US-Botschaft Pretoria, äußerte sich der Präsident keines Wortes:

„Clearly, Malema is a force in South African politics … Zuma’s only comment regarding these issues may have been when he declared publicly on October 26 that Malema is a „good leader worthy of inheriting the ANC.“


2010sdafrika-Artikel über US-Depeschen zu Thabo Mbeki und Jacob Zuma:

https://2010sdafrika.wordpress.com/2010/12/15/wikileaks-veroffentlicht-berichte-sudafrikanischer-us-vertretungen/

„The Guardian“ über Julius Malema:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/08/wikileaks-cables-julius-malema-ancyl?intcmp=239

WikiLeaks: US-Depesche über Julius Malema vom 5. November 2009:

http://213.251.145.96/cable/2009/11/09PRETORIA2263.html